{"id":28381,"date":"2025-03-20T10:22:00","date_gmt":"2025-03-20T08:22:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/?p=28381"},"modified":"2025-08-05T13:42:02","modified_gmt":"2025-08-05T10:42:02","slug":"the-contemporary-political-landscape-of-moldova-more-than-meets-the-eye","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/it\/2025\/03\/20\/the-contemporary-political-landscape-of-moldova-more-than-meets-the-eye\/","title":{"rendered":"Il panorama politico contemporaneo della Moldova: pi\u00f9 di quanto sembri"},"content":{"rendered":"<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-quick-download-button-download-button aligncenter qdbn-wrapper\"><div class=\"qdbn\" data-plugin-name=\"qdbn\" data-style=\"small\" data-file=\"hide-file\" data-size=\"hide-size\"><div class=\"qdbn-download-button-inner\"><button type=\"button\" data-button-type=\"small\" class=\"g-btn f-l\" style=\"background-color:#0e107b;color:#ffffff;border-radius:25px;border:1px solid #e2e2e2\" data-attachment-id=\"47040\" data-page-id=\"18850\" data-post-id=\"\" data-have-external=\"false\" data-external-url=\"\" data-wait-duration=\"0\" data-target-blank=\"true\" data-msg=\"Please wait...\" data-member=\"0\" data-has-icon-dark=\"false\" title=\"Scarica il PDF in inglese\"><span class=\"download-btn-icon\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewbox=\"0 0 24 24\" width=\"22\" height=\"22\" aria-hidden=\"true\"><path d=\"M18 11.3l-1-1.1-4 4V3h-1.5v11.3L7 10.2l-1 1.1 6.2 5.8 5.8-5.8zm.5 3.7v3.5h-13V15H4v5h16v-5h-1.5z\"><\/path><\/svg><\/span><span>Scarica il PDF in inglese<\/span><\/button><p class=\"up\" style=\"background:transparent;border-radius:0\"><i class=\"fi fi-pdf\"><\/i><\/p><p class=\"down\" style=\"background:transparent;border-radius:0\"><i class=\"fi-folder-o\"><\/i><span class=\"file-size\">2 MB<\/span><\/p><\/div><\/div><quick-download-button-info class=\"qdb-btn-info\"><\/quick-download-button-info><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Punti chiave<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>La divisione politica della Moldova:<\/strong>&nbsp;Il Paese resta diviso tra fazioni filo-europee e filo-russe; le elezioni parlamentari di luglio 2025 sono destinate a plasmarne l'orientamento geopolitico.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Influenza oligarchica:<\/strong>&nbsp;Figure come Ilan Shor e Vlad Plahotniuc continuano a manipolare il sistema politico moldavo attraverso il controllo dei media, la corruzione e il potere finanziario.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Transnistria e Gagauzia come focolai di tensione:<\/strong>&nbsp;Entrambe le regioni si oppongono all'integrazione della Moldova nell'UE: la Transnistria \u00e8 strettamente allineata alla Russia e la leadership della Gagauzia cerca attivamente il sostegno di Mosca.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>I media come campo di battaglia:<\/strong>&nbsp;La disinformazione sostenuta dalla Russia resta diffusa nonostante gli sforzi del governo per limitare l'influenza straniera, acuendo le divisioni politiche.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Elezioni 2024 e referendum sull'UE:<\/strong>&nbsp;La presidente Maia Sandu \u00e8 stata rieletta, ma la forte opposizione nelle regioni filo-russe ha evidenziato le fratture interne della Moldova. Il referendum sull'UE \u00e8 stato approvato con un margine risicatissimo (50.35% a favore).<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Difficolt\u00e0 di politica estera:<\/strong>&nbsp;Mentre il governo moldavo punta all'integrazione nell'UE e nella NATO, i gruppi di opposizione sostengono la federalizzazione e legami pi\u00f9 stretti con la Russia.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Crisi d'identit\u00e0:<\/strong>&nbsp;Le tensioni storiche, linguistiche e geopolitiche alimentano i dibattiti sull'identit\u00e0 nazionale, polarizzando ulteriormente l'elettorato.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Un caso di studio sull'influenza regionale:<\/strong>&nbsp;La lotta della Moldova offre insegnamenti fondamentali per l'Ucraina e per altri Stati post-sovietici alle prese con sfide simili.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1240\" height=\"507\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28382\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3.png 1240w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3-600x245.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3-1024x419.png 1024w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3-768x314.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-3-18x7.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1240px) 100vw, 1240px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Moldova\u2019s contemporary political landscape is a dynamic and often volatile space, shaped by historical legacies, geopolitical pressures, and internal struggles between reform and corruption. Since gaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the country has oscillated between pro-European and pro-Russian political forces, a divide that continues to define its governance, foreign policy, and national identity. While the 2009 &#8220;Twitter Revolution&#8221; set Moldova on a path toward European integration, systemic corruption and oligarchic influence have repeatedly undermined progress. At the heart of Moldova\u2019s political tug-of-war are key players such as the pro-European Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), led by President Maia Sandu, and the pro-Russian Socialist Party (PSRM), represented by former president Igor Dodon. The country\u2019s media landscape further complicates its political trajectory, with outlets aligning along ideological lines and Russian-backed disinformation shaping public opinion. Meanwhile, Moldova\u2019s unresolved territorial disputes, particularly with the breakaway region of Transnistria and the autonomous region of Gagauzia, serve as critical flashpoints that Moscow continues to exploit. Against this backdrop, the 2024 presidential elections and EU membership referendum have deepened societal divisions, with narrow margins reflecting an electorate torn between European aspirations and historical ties to Russia. As Moldova prepares for the crucial 2025 parliamentary elections, the stakes remain high. The outcome will not only determine the country\u2019s path toward European integration but also test its resilience in the face of internal and external challenges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Attori chiave della politica interna<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The contemporary political landscape of Moldova is characterized by a complex interplay of political parties, influential politicians, oligarchic structures, and a diverse media environment. It reflects the country&#8217;s ongoing struggle to navigate its identity and governance in the post-Soviet context, particularly in light of its geopolitical positioning between the European Union and Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Few key political parties dominate there that align with either pro-European or pro-Russian ideologies. The Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), led by Maia Sandu, emerged as a significant force following the 2021 parliamentary elections, advocating for European integration and anti-corruption measures. The PAS&#8217;s victory marked a shift in the political landscape, as it capitalized on public discontent with corruption and governance issues associated with previous administrations<strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Conversely, the Socialist Party of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM), which has historically favored closer ties with Russia, remains a prominent player. The PSRM has utilized populist rhetoric to appeal to voters nostalgic for the Soviet era, often framing its agenda around social welfare and national identity. Representing the pro-Russian camp, PSRM has traditionally enjoyed strong support in regions like Gagauzia and Transnistria. It focuses on preserving Moldova&#8217;s neutrality and maintaining close ties with Russia. Igor Dodon is the most prominent representative of the party at the moment, being its former president and leader, advocating for Moldova&#8217;s neutrality and close ties with Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" width=\"1049\" height=\"229\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28387\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4.png 1049w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4-600x131.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4-1024x224.png 1024w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4-768x168.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-4-18x4.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1049px) 100vw, 1049px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>Maia Sandu, Iian Shor e Vlad Filat. Varie fonti.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Founded by businessman and controversial politician Ilan Shor, the Shor Party blends populism with regional development promises. Shor has been implicated in the &#8220;billion-dollar bank scandal,&#8221; but his party continues to gain traction in economically depressed areas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ion Marandici introduces the concept of oligarchic state capture in the case study of Moldova to describe the temporary dominance of wealthy elites over all branches of government, hindering democracy and perpetuating corruption. Oligarchs, as winners of the post-Soviet economic transition, exploited state institutions for personal gain. That is why they play a crucial role in Moldova&#8217;s political landscape, often exerting significant influence over political parties and the electoral process. The intertwining of business and politics has led to a system where oligarchic interests can overshadow democratic processes, contributing to widespread corruption and public disillusionment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Figure di rilievo come Vlad Plahotniuc, gi\u00e0 leader del Partito Democratico, esemplificano le sfide poste dal controllo oligarchico: sono state accusate di manipolare gli esiti politici per mantenere il potere. Oltre a Ilan Shor, anche Vlad Filat \u00e8 stato un attore centrale, sfruttando partiti politici e risorse statali a vantaggio personale. Questi oligarchi hanno impiegato meccanismi quali il controllo dei media e della magistratura, il finanziamento dei partiti e il coinvolgimento diretto nella politica, nonch\u00e9 lo sfruttamento delle risorse statali attraverso operazioni come la frode bancaria del 2014, nota anche come il \u201cfurto del secolo\u201d. Nell'ambito di questa operazione, 1 miliardo di dollari \u00e8 stato sottratto all'economia, pari al 12% del PIL della Moldova. Le rivalit\u00e0 tra oligarchi hanno innescato riforme e arresti, ma hanno anche intensificato lo sfruttamento delle risorse statali. La reazione popolare e la pressione internazionale hanno evidenziato la necessit\u00e0 di riforme sistemiche.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" width=\"1048\" height=\"536\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28389\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6.png 1048w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6-600x307.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6-1024x524.png 1024w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6-768x393.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-6-18x9.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1048px) 100vw, 1048px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>Fonte: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rise.md\/english\/laundromat-two-huge-scams-one-moldovan-businessman\/\">Rise Moldova<\/a><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Tentativi di definire la politica estera moldava<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Moldova&#8217;s foreign policy is shaped by its historical oscillation between pro-European and pro-Russian alignments and reflects the internal political division of the country. It includes three main tendencies at the moment &#8211; EU and NATO integration, special relations with Romania, and federalization. The EU aspirations in Moldova reflect a preference for cooperative internationalism that is constrained by economic dissatisfaction and Russian influence, while NATO membership is the least supported tendency, constrained by constitutional neutrality and Russia\u2019s strong opposition. Federalization is often seen as a pro-Russian policy due to its potential to strengthen Transnistria\u2019s influence. Poverty, as a multidimensional indicator, is significantly correlated with opposition to foreign policy openness in Moldova &#8211; subjective poverty aligns with resistance to EU membership and unification with Romania. Trust in Russian media also correlates strongly with opposition to EU and NATO membership, underscoring Moscow\u2019s ability to shape narratives in Moldova. Higher education and younger demographics favor cooperative internationalism, opposing isolationist and federalist measures<strong>. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As of late 2024, Moldova remains politically polarized. The recent elections showed a divided electorate, with significant support for both pro-European and pro-Russian factions. The upcoming parliamentary elections in 2025 will be crucial in determining Moldova&#8217;s future direction amid ongoing pressures from Russia and aspirations for EU membership. This polarization between pro-European and pro-Russian parties has created a dynamic political environment where party allegiances can shift based on public sentiment and external influences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Il panorama mediatico in Moldova<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The media landscape in Moldova during 2020\u20132025 reflects its broader socio-political and cultural dynamics, defined by tensions between pro-European aspirations and Russian influence. The sector is marked by political alignment, oligarchic ownership, and challenges in fostering independent journalism. External factors, such as Moldova&#8217;s path toward EU integration and domestic issues, such as media literacy, play critical roles in its development. Despite the Internet becoming the main information source in the country, television is still a primary source for news in Moldova, which is especially important with every prominent Moldovan TV channel having its own web portal. According to Media Ownership Monitor Moldova, in the first half of 2024, Cinema1 was the most-watched TV channel in the country, followed by PRO TV and Jurnal TV. This proves that even despite attempts to block it, Russian influence through the media is still quite prevalent in Moldova.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Cinema 1 is an aggregator TV channel that was used to broadcast Russian content manufactured by foreign Russian broadcasting services after the Chi\u0219in\u0103u authorities suspended or withdrew the licenses of several TV stations retransmitting programs produced in Russia. TRM, the state broadcaster, is positioned as a neutral entity but has been criticized for perceived biases toward the ruling government. Efforts to modernize TRM&#8217;s infrastructure and programming have been initiated, aiming to meet European broadcasting standards. Known for its pro-European stance and investigative journalism, Jurnal TV has gained a reputation for exposing corruption. It is a popular source among urban audiences critical of oligarchic influence. Positioned as a neutral and independent outlet, TV8 focuses on investigative reporting and political analysis. It receives funding from international organizations to maintain its editorial independence. Part of the Romanian ProTV network, ProTV Chisinau focuses on entertainment, cultural programming, and news. Its content appeals to younger audiences and promotes a pro-European narrative. Formerly linked to oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, Publika TV leans toward pro-Russian narratives and sensationalist content. Its credibility has been questioned due to political affiliations. Its TV license was suspended in 2023, and currently, it is broadcasted only via the web.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Tra le principali testate di giornalismo investigativo della Moldova, Ziarul de Gard\u0103 si concentra sul portare alla luce la corruzione e le questioni relative ai diritti umani. Gode di grande rispetto nella comunit\u00e0 internazionale, ma deve affrontare difficolt\u00e0 finanziarie. Testata indipendente e multilingue, NewsMaker.md tratta in modo approfondito la politica, l'economia e le questioni sociali moldave. Si \u00e8 costruita una reputazione per un'informazione equilibrata. Nota per il suo orientamento filo-europeo, Deschide.md fornisce notizie e analisi sulla politica moldava e sulle relazioni internazionali. Si \u00e8 dimostrata una fonte affidabile di aggiornamenti tempestivi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Collegata all'oligarca in esilio Ilan Shor, TV6 \u00e8 stata privata della licenza di trasmissione con l'accusa di diffondere propaganda russa. I suoi contenuti sono migrati anche sulle piattaforme online. Un altro canale associato all'impero mediatico di Shor, Orizont TV, si concentrava sulle notizie locali e regionali, ma \u00e8 stato sospeso nel 2023 per la diffusione di disinformazione.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Testata filo-Cremlino rivolta al pubblico russofono, Sputnik Moldova \u00e8 criticata per la promozione di propaganda e disinformazione allineate agli interessi geopolitici russi. Un'edizione moldava del tabloid russo Komsomolskaya Pravda promuove le narrazioni del Cremlino e si rivolge al pubblico russofono in Moldova.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Il panorama mediatico varia notevolmente tra aree urbane e rurali. Il pubblico urbano ha accesso a fonti diversificate, mentre le regioni rurali spesso dipendono da testate filo-russe. I social media sono diventati una forza dominante, in particolare tra le popolazioni pi\u00f9 giovani. Tuttavia, sono stati anche un canale per campagne di disinformazione, soprattutto su temi come l'integrazione nell'UE e i diritti delle minoranze, per esempio tramite una rete di canali Telegram in russo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Transnistria e Gagauzia come variabile pi\u00f9 importante della politica moldava<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The situation with Transnistria is more or less known to the general public. After the active phase of the armed conflict that lasted from 1990 to 1992, a Russian military contingent remained in the country, which is why the conflict itself is still being considered \u201cfrozen.\u201d Russia&#8217;s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has revitalized the debate over Transnistria, as the Russian army stationed there poses a security risk to both Ukraine and Moldova itself. Transnistria and its internationally unrecognized \u201cauthorities\u201d lightly oppose Moldova&#8217;s European integration course and are gradually synchronizing their legislation with Russian law. For instance, since 2017, the Russian flag has become the second official flag to be used in Transnistria. Recently, the Transnistrian \u201cauthorities\u201d asked Russia to help solve the problem of \u201cMoldova&#8217;s transport and economic blockade,\u201d appealing to the OSCE for \u201cnew methods of conflict resolution.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"alignright size-full is-resized\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"616\" height=\"400\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-8.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28391\" style=\"width:469px;height:auto\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-8.png 616w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-8-600x390.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-8-18x12.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 616px) 100vw, 616px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Supported significantly by the Russian Federation, Transnistria functions as a de facto state. The region&#8217;s governance has been marked by a hybrid regime that combines elements of authoritarianism with some degree of pluralism, particularly evident during the 2011 presidential elections when long-standing leader Igor Smirnov was ousted, indicating a shift in political dynamics. Often described as a Russian \u201cenclave,\u201d Transnistria resembles and depends on Russia. Transnistrian officials frequently advocate for annexation by Russia, though Russia itself does not officially recognize it. A 2006 referendum indicated strong support (98%) for joining the Russian Federation, despite a number of ways Russia uses to distort the concept of \u201creferendum.\u201d Russian passport holders in Transnistria can vote in Russian elections at local polling sites, and the region still maintains 1,500 Russian soldiers on its territory as \u201cpeacekeeping\u201d personnel. Transnistria&#8217;s economic existence as a \u201csuccessful failed state\u201d relies heavily on Russian support through financial aid, subsidies, and free natural gas, even though it is slowly changing. Culturally, over 95% of Transnistrians see their region as part of the <em>russkiy mir<\/em>, which is the ideological term for the Russian sphere of influence. Yet, Transnistria promotes a civic identity that transcends ethnic divisions rooted in Soviet internationalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Inizialmente si \u00e8 ipotizzato che la Transnistria potesse svolgere un ruolo militare nella guerra russa contro l'Ucraina. Tuttavia, l'idea si \u00e8 rivelata implausibile per l'isolamento logistico dalla Russia, la limitata capacit\u00e0 militare e la mancanza di sostegno alle narrazioni filobelliche nella regione. Dopo l'invasione russa su vasta scala dell'Ucraina, i cosiddetti \u201cfunzionari\u201d transnistriani, come il presidente transnistriano Krasnoselsky, hanno definito l'aggressione russa non una \u201cOperazione militare speciale\u201d, come nei media russi, ma una guerra. Da allora, la Transnistria ha mantenuto una posizione neutrale sulla guerra, sconcertando i ricercatori. La decisione sembra legata agli ampi legami con l'Ucraina e alla minoranza ucraina. Circa 100,000 residenti possiedono la cittadinanza ucraina, il che attenua il sentimento anti-ucraino. Potrebbe inoltre essere connessa alla lieve delusione per l'inazione della Russia e al ruolo transnistriano nell'Accordo di libero scambio della Moldova con l'UE. Tuttavia, la situazione \u00e8 cambiata a causa della recente decisione dell'Ucraina di interrompere il transito del gas russo verso l'Europa, che ha provocato blackout nella regione. Ora le \u201cautorit\u00e0\u201d della Transnistria accusano l'Ucraina di aver causato il collasso energetico e tale retorica \u00e8 amplificata dalla propaganda russa presente nei canali Telegram locali.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Rispetto alla Transnistria, la situazione della Gagauzia \u00e8 assai diversa. Sotto il dominio sovietico, la Gagauzia pass\u00f2 da regione relativamente povera a regione ben sviluppata sul piano economico e culturale. Ci\u00f2 innesc\u00f2 l'ascesa del nazionalismo gagauzo negli anni Ottanta. All'epoca, i leader gagauzi espressero il desiderio di autodeterminazione politica, motivato dal timore di estinzione culturale, data l'assenza altrove di un protettore politico per i gagauzi. Cercarono l'autonomia o persino l'indipendenza dalla Moldova, tenendo nel 1990 un referendum per istituire una repubblica sovietica indipendente e funzionando in modo semi-indipendente per vari anni.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Following the Transnistria conflict, concerns over potential Gagauz secession led to complex and often contentious negotiations between the Moldovan government in Chi\u0219in\u0103u and Gagauz authorities in Comrat on achieving autonomy. Gagauzia\u2019s autonomy was formalized through a December 1994 law that created the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia, known as Gagauz Yeri. This law granted Gagauzia the right to self-determination should Moldova lose its sovereignty, largely reflecting Gagauz&#8217;s concerns over a potential Moldovan unification with Romania. The law also recognized Moldovan, Gagauz, and Russian as the official languages of the region and established Gagauzia\u2019s political structures: the People\u2019s Assembly as its legislature and the Bashkan (governor) as its executive leader. Regional borders were determined based on ethnic demographics and referenda held in 1995. Nearly a decade later, the principles of Gagauz autonomy were integrated into the Moldovan constitution through amendments to Article 111.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"alignright size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"385\" height=\"578\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-10.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28393\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-10.png 385w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-10-8x12.png 8w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 385px) 100vw, 385px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>Evgenia Gutsul, capo dell'autonomia gagauza, ha incontrato Vladimir Putin.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The political system in Gagauzia is characterized by a degree of self-governance, yet it remains intertwined with the national political landscape of Moldova. The relationship between Gagauzia&#8217;s regional elites and the central government has been historically fraught, with ongoing tensions regarding autonomy and representation. The Gagauz people, predominantly Turkic-speaking, have sought to assert their identity and political claims, often in response to perceived marginalization by the Moldovan state. The region&#8217;s political dynamics are further complicated by external factors, particularly the influence of Russian politics, which has historically supported Gagauz autonomy as a counterbalance to Moldovan nationalism. The sympathy for Russia is growing and evident with the results of the most recent elections. In particular, if we talk about the case of Evgenia Gutsul, who is the current Bashkan of Gagauzia, she has made a trip to the World Youth Festival in Russia, had a personal meeting with Putin, and signed cooperation agreements with a number of Russian local governments, including the Krasnodar region\u2019s one. As well as the \u201cauthorities\u201d of Transnistria, Gutsul also asked Moscow for help with the \u201cblockade\u201d issue. Both regions call<strong> <\/strong>the recent implementation of a new version of the Customs Code of Moldova, according to which both Transnistria and Gagauzia must reimburse entrepreneurs for taxes on their own, calling it a blockade. The Bashkan of Gagauzia responded to this with a stamp of Russian propaganda &#8211; she said that this was an \u201cinfringement of the rights of the Gagauz.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Gutsul is a person from the pool of Shor. Neither Maia Sandu nor Western diplomats are in contact with her. Officials from Gutsul&#8217;s team can be found on EU sanctions lists, and Gutsul herself is under US sanctions. Russian propaganda is fueling this conflict through anonymous Telegram channels, spreading messages within several messages localized to the Moldovan context and sometimes in line with Russian propaganda in other parts of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Le elezioni e il referendum del 2024 come catalizzatore della divisione moldava<\/h4>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"929\" height=\"526\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-12.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-28395\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-12.png 929w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-12-600x340.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-12-768x435.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/image-12-18x10.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The 2024 presidential elections and EU referendum in Moldova hold significant importance, particularly in the context of its relations with Transnistria and Gagauzia. The elections were seen as a vote on Moldova\u2019s geopolitical alignment. Transnistria and Gagauzia, with their predominantly pro-Russian stances, could react by demanding greater autonomy or even seeking secession under Russian support if the country&#8217;s trajectory shifts westward. The results of the vote revealed significant regional sentiments and political divides.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">On October 20, 2024, Moldova held a referendum to amend its constitution to include a commitment to EU membership. The results were extremely close &#8211; 749,719 people voted in support of that idea (50.35%), and 739,155 people voted against it (49.65%). This narrow margin indicates deep divisions within the electorate. Notably, regions like Gagauzia and Transnistria contributed to the opposition against EU integration due to their pro-Russian leanings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nel ballottaggio presidenziale del 3 novembre 2024, la presidente uscente Maia Sandu ha ottenuto il secondo mandato con circa il 55% dei voti contro lo sfidante Alexandr Stoianoglo, che ha raccolto circa il 45%. Tuttavia, i risultati variavano notevolmente per regione. Sandu ha ricevuto meno del 3% dei voti in Gagauzia, mostrando un forte sentimento filo-russo in questa regione autonoma. In Transnistria, Sandu ha ottenuto circa il 20% dei voti, riflettendo un sostegno altrettanto basso in una popolazione che in larga parte favorisce l'allineamento con la Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Il referendum sull'UE, svolto contestualmente alle elezioni, \u00e8 stato decisivo per unire o polarizzare ulteriormente la Moldova. La decisione di procedere verso l'adesione all'UE incontra la ferma opposizione della Transnistria e della Gagauzia, che chiedono legami pi\u00f9 stretti con la Russia. I risultati delle elezioni e del referendum possono spingere la Transnistria a fare pressione per il riconoscimento internazionale o persino ad accrescere le tensioni in collaborazione con Mosca, ma essa affronta maggiori difficolt\u00e0 legate alla propria politica energetica a causa degli sviluppi recenti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The outcomes of both the presidential election and the EU membership referendum underscore the geopolitical tensions within Moldova, particularly in Gagauzia and Transnistria. The strong pro-Russian sentiments in these regions present challenges for Sandu&#8217;s pro-European agenda and reflect broader regional dynamics influenced by external actors like Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Crisi d'identit\u00e0?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La lotta per definire un'identit\u00e0 moldava coesa \u00e8 una questione complessa<strong> <\/strong>deeply rooted in the country&#8217;s historical, political, and social contexts. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Moldova has grappled with competing national narratives, linguistic distinctions, and external influences that have shaped its contemporary identity crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Moldova&#8217;s history of foreign domination, including periods under the Ottoman Empire and the Soviet Union, has resulted in a diverse population with varying cultural affiliations. This eclectic background has fostered a duality in national identity, where many Moldovans identify either as Romanian or as part of a distinct Moldovan ethnicity. The 1991 Declaration of Independence initially emphasized a connection to Romanian heritage, but subsequent political developments have complicated this narrative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The political landscape reflects this identity struggle. There are Romanian-speaking Moldovans who often support pro-Russian politicians and Russian-speaking Moldovans who lean towards pro-European parties. This division is not merely linguistic but also ideological, as it influences political allegiances and public sentiment regarding Moldova&#8217;s future direction. Many younger Moldovans and urban populations advocate for EU integration, viewing it as a pathway to modernization and economic stability. Conversely, older generations may favor closer ties with Russia, often due to cultural ties and economic dependencies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The debate over Unionism\u2014the idea of uniting Moldova with Romania\u2014is a significant aspect of the identity struggle. Proponents argue that such a union would enhance economic opportunities and strengthen cultural ties. However, opponents fear that it would undermine Moldova&#8217;s sovereignty and alienate Russian-speaking populations. This debate intensifies during election cycles, influencing party platforms and voter mobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La Moldova ospita vari gruppi etnici, tra cui ucraini, russi e bulgari. Questa diversit\u00e0 rende pi\u00f9 articolato il dibattito sull'identit\u00e0 nazionale, poich\u00e9 i diversi gruppi rivendicano la tutela dei propri interessi e il riconoscimento all'interno dello Stato moldavo nel suo complesso.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La questione linguistica<strong> <\/strong>further complicates identity formation. The designation of the language as &#8220;Moldovan&#8221; versus &#8220;Romanian&#8221; has been politically contentious and is a tool in the Russian soft power toolbox in the country. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Il panorama mediatico svolge un ruolo cruciale nel plasmare la percezione pubblica dell'identit\u00e0 nazionale. Le testate filo-russe promuovono spesso<strong> <\/strong>narratives that emphasize Moldova&#8217;s separation from Romania and advocate for closer ties with Russia. In contrast, pro-European media focus on integration with the West and highlight the benefits of EU membership. This polarization contributes to the ongoing identity crisis by reinforcing existing divisions within society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Tutte queste tendenze avranno certamente un impatto sulle elezioni parlamentari di quest'anno, motivo per cui \u00e8 importante comprenderle. In questo momento, la Moldova appare come un perfetto caso di studio, o persino come il \u201cpaziente zero\u201d, per osservare in tempo reale lo scontro tra le influenze russe e occidentali. Ci\u00f2 pu\u00f2 offrire un utile insegnamento non solo all'Ucraina, soprattutto in un momento in cui il sostegno europeo al Paese attraversa forti turbolenze, ma anche ai decisori politici occidentali e agli altri attori interessati, mostrando ci\u00f2 che funziona nel contesto post-sovietico e ci\u00f2 che potrebbe essere migliorato. L'aspetto pi\u00f9 triste di tutti questi processi, tuttavia, \u00e8 che la Moldova, un Paese che ha urgente bisogno di superare i problemi ereditati dal passato, non riesce ad avere tregua perch\u00e9 viene dilaniata dalla Russia; ci\u00f2 lascia i moldavi un po' meno fiduciosi nel proprio futuro. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph translation-block\"><strong><em>Avvertenza: i punti di vista, i pensieri e le opinioni espressi negli articoli pubblicati su questo sito appartengono esclusivamente agli autori e non riflettono necessariamente quelli del Centro per il Dialogo Transatlantico, dei suoi comitati o delle organizzazioni a esso affiliate. Gli articoli intendono stimolare il dialogo e il dibattito e non rappresentano posizioni politiche ufficiali del Centro per il Dialogo Transatlantico n\u00e9 di altre organizzazioni alle quali gli autori possano essere associati<\/em><\/strong>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Key Takeaways Moldova\u2019s contemporary political landscape is a dynamic and often volatile space, shaped by historical legacies, geopolitical pressures, and internal struggles between reform and corruption. Since gaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the country has oscillated between pro-European and pro-Russian political forces, a divide that continues to define its governance, foreign policy, [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":28397,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[59,13],"tags":[],"topic":[99,111,91,93],"class_list":["post-28381","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-eng-central-eastern-europe","category-en-analyses","topic-disinformation","topic-elections","topic-eu","topic-geopolitics"],"mb":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.6 (Yoast SEO v25.6) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Moldova\u2019s Contemporary Political Landscape | TDC<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"This analysis examines 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