{"id":23180,"date":"2024-03-28T10:10:00","date_gmt":"2024-03-28T08:10:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/?p=23180"},"modified":"2026-07-04T12:01:48","modified_gmt":"2026-07-04T09:01:48","slug":"improbable-place-of-confrontation-on-the-world-map-latin-america-and-the-caribbean","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/fr\/2024\/03\/28\/improbable-place-of-confrontation-on-the-world-map-latin-america-and-the-caribbean\/","title":{"rendered":"Un improbable lieu de confrontation sur la carte du monde : l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine et les Cara\u00efbes"},"content":{"rendered":"<h5 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-by-ruslan-dubovytskyi\"><\/h5>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-quick-download-button-download-button aligncenter qdbn-wrapper\"><div class=\"qdbn\" data-plugin-name=\"qdbn\" data-style=\"small\" data-file=\"hide-file\" data-size=\"hide-size\"><div class=\"qdbn-download-button-inner\"><button type=\"button\" data-button-type=\"small\" class=\"g-btn f-l\" style=\"background-color:#0e107b;color:#ffffff;border-radius:25px;border:1px solid #e2e2e2\" data-attachment-id=\"41759\" data-page-id=\"18850\" data-post-id=\"\" data-have-external=\"false\" data-external-url=\"\" data-wait-duration=\"0\" data-target-blank=\"true\" data-msg=\"Please wait...\" data-member=\"0\" data-has-icon-dark=\"false\" title=\"T\u00e9l\u00e9charger le PDF en anglais\"><span class=\"download-btn-icon\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewbox=\"0 0 24 24\" width=\"22\" height=\"22\" aria-hidden=\"true\"><path d=\"M18 11.3l-1-1.1-4 4V3h-1.5v11.3L7 10.2l-1 1.1 6.2 5.8 5.8-5.8zm.5 3.7v3.5h-13V15H4v5h16v-5h-1.5z\"><\/path><\/svg><\/span><span>T\u00e9l\u00e9charger le PDF en anglais<\/span><\/button><p class=\"up\" style=\"background:transparent;border-radius:0\"><i class=\"fi fi-pdf\"><\/i><\/p><p class=\"down\" style=\"background:transparent;border-radius:0\"><i class=\"fi-folder-o\"><\/i><span class=\"file-size\">2 Mo<\/span><\/p><\/div><\/div><quick-download-button-info class=\"qdb-btn-info\"><\/quick-download-button-info><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading translation-block\" id=\"h-key-takeaways\"><strong>Principaux enseignements<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Bataille strat\u00e9gique pour l\u2019influence<\/strong>: Les \u00c9tats-Unis et la Chine sont les principaux acteurs qui se disputent la domination strat\u00e9gique en Am\u00e9rique latine et dans les Cara\u00efbes, leurs actions ayant un impact consid\u00e9rable sur la dynamique g\u00e9opolitique de la r\u00e9gion.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>China&#8217;s Economic and Diplomatic Maneuvers<\/strong>: La Chine \u00e9tend son influence en privil\u00e9giant l\u2019\u00e9conomie, les efforts diplomatiques et les investissements dans les infrastructures, afin de se positionner comme une alternative aux partenariats occidentaux traditionnels et d\u2019isoler Ta\u00efwan en faisant \u00e9voluer les liens diplomatiques r\u00e9gionaux.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>R\u00e9ponse et strat\u00e9gie des \u00c9tats-Unis<\/strong>: The U.S. is actively working to counter China&#8217;s expanding influence by recalibrating its approaches towards the region, from sanctions and withdrawal from certain trade agreements, to the launch of partnership initiatives aimed at reinforcing U.S. leadership and promoting democratic stability and economic resilience.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Russia&#8217;s Complicating Role<\/strong>: Russia&#8217;s military aggression&nbsp;and economic interactions add another layer of complexity to the region&#8217;s political and economic landscape, influencing the broader geopolitical struggle.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Cons\u00e9quences pour le d\u00e9veloppement r\u00e9gional<\/strong>: L\u2019interaction entre ces grandes puissances soul\u00e8ve des questions cruciales quant \u00e0 l\u2019avenir de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine et des Cara\u00efbes, notamment en mati\u00e8re de d\u00e9veloppement durable, d\u2019autonomie et de capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 faire face aux pressions mondiales.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1194\" height=\"414\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25.png\" alt=\"Cover image for: Improbable Place of Confrontation on the World Map: Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23182\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25.png 1194w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25-600x208.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25-1024x355.png 1024w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25-768x266.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-25-18x6.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1194px) 100vw, 1194px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have always been mouth-watering morsels that the great world powers have fought for throughout history. Suffice it to recall the Big Stick Policy, Theodore&nbsp;Roosevelt\u2019s extended interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Le vecteur de politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re latino-am\u00e9ricaine des principaux acteurs r\u00e9gionaux, les \u00c9tats-Unis et la R\u00e9publique populaire de Chine, a pris de l\u2019ampleur depuis le d\u00e9but du nouveau mill\u00e9naire. D\u2019autres \u00c9tats tentent de suivre le rythme de ces deux puissances. La F\u00e9d\u00e9ration de Russie en fait partie, bien que son agression arm\u00e9e an\u00e9antisse tous ses efforts en provoquant d\u2019importants chocs \u00e9conomiques.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Cet article mettra en lumi\u00e8re la place des pays d\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine et des Cara\u00efbes dans le syst\u00e8me moderne des relations internationales, caract\u00e9ris\u00e9 par une vive lutte pour la domination, dont la guerre russo-ukrainienne est une manifestation et qui a des r\u00e9percussions dans cette r\u00e9gion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-i-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-as-a-chessboard-what-are-the-world-s-major-powers-playing\"><strong>I. Latin America and the Caribbean as a Chessboard: What are the World\u2019s&nbsp;Major Powers Playing?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Depuis le d\u00e9ploiement de la politique commerciale \u00ab Sortie vers le monde \u00bb (zou chuqu), la Chine s\u2019est pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme un partenaire alternatif, gr\u00e2ce auquel les pays de la r\u00e9gion peuvent tirer des avantages dans divers domaines de coop\u00e9ration au lieu d\u2019opter pour des partenariats d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e9tablis avec les principaux acteurs des relations internationales.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-china-s-diplomatic-efforts-in-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-lac\"><strong>Les efforts diplomatiques de la Chine en Am\u00e9rique latine et dans les Cara\u00efbes (LAC)<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Beijing\u2019s diplomatic&nbsp;initiatives in LAC&nbsp;have helped advance China\u2019s economic priorities, institutionalize&nbsp;its engagement in the region, and garner support in international fora. The analysts, Mark P. Sullivan, Thomas&nbsp;Lum, Ricardo Barrios, and Karla I. Rios, assess that the PRC\u2019s activities in LAC do not appear to be aimed at&nbsp;challenging the United States directly or militarily, yet reflect a global strategy to counter U.S. influence.&nbsp;China\u2019s diplomatic efforts in the region include being an observer at the Organization of American States,&nbsp;a member of the Inter-American Development Bank and the Caribbean Development Bank, and a participant in the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Depuis 2014, la Chine cherche \u00e0 s\u2019engager avec la r\u00e9gion par l\u2019interm\u00e9diaire de la Communaut\u00e9 des \u00c9tats latino-am\u00e9ricains et carib\u00e9ens (CELAC), une organisation r\u00e9gionale qui exclut les \u00c9tats-Unis et le Canada. Lors de la troisi\u00e8me r\u00e9union minist\u00e9rielle du Forum Chine-CELAC en d\u00e9cembre 2021, les parties ont adopt\u00e9 un plan d\u2019action conjoint Chine-CELAC (2022-2024) pour guider la coop\u00e9ration dans des domaines comprenant la politique et la s\u00e9curit\u00e9, l\u2019\u00e9conomie et les infrastructures. Dans son discours le plus r\u00e9cent devant ce groupe, en janvier 2023, le dirigeant chinois Xi Jinping a exprim\u00e9 le soutien de la Chine \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9gration r\u00e9gionale de la LAC et a qualifi\u00e9 la CELAC de \u00ab partenaire cl\u00e9 pour renforcer la solidarit\u00e9 entre les pays en d\u00e9veloppement et faire progresser la coop\u00e9ration Sud-Sud \u00bb.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" width=\"820\" height=\"458\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-27.png\" alt=\"Cover image for: Improbable Place of Confrontation on the World Map: Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23184\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-27.png 820w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-27-600x335.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-27-768x429.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-27-18x10.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 820px) 100vw, 820px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>Message de Xi Jinping \u00e0 la CELAC. Source : La Pol\u00edtica Online<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">One of Beijing\u2019s goals in the region appears to be to isolate Taiwan by incentivizing LAC&nbsp;countries to end formal diplomatic ties with the self-governing democracy over which the PRC claims sovereignty and&nbsp;which officially calls itself the \u201cRepublic of China.\u201d Currently, seven governments in LAC (out of 13&nbsp;governments worldwide) maintain formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan. The remaining 26 maintain formal diplomatic relations with the PRC. Since 2017, five LAC governments have established formal diplomatic relations with the PRC, ending their formal recognition of Taiwan; the country to do this most recently was Honduras in March 2023.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-china-s-economic-expansion-in-latin-america-and-the-caribbean\"><strong>China\u2019s&nbsp;Economic Expansion in Latin America and the Caribbean<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">China\u2019s economic priorities in LAC include securing access to raw materials and agricultural goods (e.g.,&nbsp;petroleum, soybeans, and minerals including lithium); fostering markets for Chinese goods and services, including in the information and communications technologies (ICT) sector; and partnering with LAC firms to access and jointly develop technology. China also has sought opportunities in LAC for PRC infrastructure firms as a way for these firms both to internationalize and offload excess capacity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Les donn\u00e9es publi\u00e9es par l\u2019Administration g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des douanes de la PRC ont estim\u00e9 la valeur totale du commerce Chine-LAC \u00e0 $482.6 milliards en 2022. Cette ann\u00e9e-l\u00e0, les importations chinoises en provenance de la LAC se sont \u00e9lev\u00e9es \u00e0 $231.1 milliards, compos\u00e9es principalement de minerais (32 %), de graines ol\u00e9agineuses (18 %) et de combustibles et huiles min\u00e9raux (12 %). Entre-temps, les exportations chinoises vers la r\u00e9gion ont totalis\u00e9 $251.5 milliards, les principales exportations comprenant les machines et \u00e9quipements \u00e9lectriques (23 %), les machines et appareils m\u00e9caniques (14 %) ainsi que les v\u00e9hicules automobiles et leurs pi\u00e8ces (8 %). La Chine est le premier partenaire commercial du Br\u00e9sil, du Chili, du P\u00e9rou et de l\u2019Uruguay, et le deuxi\u00e8me partenaire commercial de nombreux autres pays. La Chine dispose d\u2019accords de libre-\u00e9change avec le Chili, le Costa Rica, le P\u00e9rou et l\u2019\u00c9quateur depuis mai 2023. Le ralentissement pr\u00e9vu de la croissance \u00e9conomique chinoise \u00e0 court terme pourrait entra\u00eener une demande plus faible de la PRC pour les exportations de la LAC et une r\u00e9duction des flux de capitaux de la PRC vers la r\u00e9gion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">According to the American Enterprise Institute\u2019s China Global&nbsp;Investment Tracker, Chinese entities invested $148.9 billion in LAC countries between 2005 and 2022, with Brazil accounting for $66 billion (44%) and Peru $25.5 billion (17%). Energy projects accounted for 62% of investments, and metals\/mining accounted for 21%. The database also shows that PRC construction projects in LAC were valued at $68.6 billion over the same period, mainly in the energy (50%) and transportation (30%) sectors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Les banques d\u2019\u00c9tat chinoises charg\u00e9es des politiques publiques (\u00e0 savoir la China Development Bank et l\u2019Export-Import Bank of China) ont pris de nombreux engagements de pr\u00eat envers la r\u00e9gion au cours des 20 derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es. Selon l\u2019Inter-American Dialogue, de 2005 \u00e0 2022, les pays de la LAC ont emprunt\u00e9 un montant cumul\u00e9 de $136.5 milliards, dont la majeure partie a \u00e9t\u00e9 dirig\u00e9e vers les secteurs de l\u2019\u00e9nergie (66 %) et des infrastructures (19 %). Parmi les principaux emprunteurs, dont les dettes se mesurent en milliards de dollars, figurent le Venezuela ($60), le Br\u00e9sil ($31), l\u2019\u00c9quateur ($18.2), l\u2019Argentine ($17), la Bolivie ($3.2), la Jama\u00efque ($2.1) et le Mexique ($1), les autres pays totalisant plus de $4 milliards.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full is-resized\"><img decoding=\"async\" width=\"964\" height=\"542\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-28.png\" alt=\"Cover image for: Chinese Lending in Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23185\" style=\"width:740px;height:auto\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-28.png 964w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-28-600x337.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-28-768x432.png 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-28-18x10.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 964px) 100vw, 964px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ces pr\u00eats ne comportent g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement pas les conditionnalit\u00e9s de politique publique ni les garanties environnementales associ\u00e9es aux grandes institutions financi\u00e8res internationales, combinent souvent des conditions concessionnelles et commerciales et incluent des clauses strictes de confidentialit\u00e9. N\u00e9anmoins, les pr\u00eats ont diminu\u00e9 ces derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es en raison notamment d\u2019une baisse de la demande de financement de la PRC de la part de la LAC, de changements dans la mani\u00e8re dont la PRC g\u00e8re ses r\u00e9serves de change, qu\u2019elle utilise pour accorder des pr\u00eats, et d\u2019une plus grande aversion au risque des pr\u00eateurs de la PRC.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Currently, 22 countries in LAC have signed memoranda related to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a\u00a0multifaceted foreign economic policy initiative that aims to expand China\u2019s global economic reach and influence by developing China-centered and &#8211;controlled global infrastructure, transportation, trade, and production networks. As an example of Chinese activity, we can mention the construction of\u00a0a new deep-water port in the city of Chancay, located north of the Peruvian capital, Lima, which will play a strategic role in trade between Asia and LAC.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full is-resized\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"778\" height=\"438\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image.jpeg\" alt=\"Cover image for: Improbable Place of Confrontation on the World Map: Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23186\" style=\"width:686px;height:auto\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image.jpeg 778w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-600x338.jpeg 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-768x432.jpeg 768w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-18x10.jpeg 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 778px) 100vw, 778px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>Des personnes travaillent \u00e0 la construction du terminal portuaire polyvalent de Chancay, construit par une entreprise chinoise, au P\u00e9rou. (AP Photo\/Cesar Barreto)<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-washington-s-concerns-and-response\"><strong>Washington\u2019s&nbsp;Concerns and Response<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">President Donald Trump\u2019s&nbsp;administration has taken a harder approach to building relations with the LAC countries than his predecessors by imposing sanctions on several countries and reducing funding to regional organizations. Such steps could bring certain governments closer to Beijing. Trump also stepped back from trade relations with the region, withdrawing from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Le pr\u00e9sident Biden, qui a pilot\u00e9 la politique latino-am\u00e9ricaine pendant son mandat de vice-pr\u00e9sident de Barack Obama, soutient depuis longtemps que les \u00c9tats-Unis devraient renouveler leur r\u00f4le de leader dans la r\u00e9gion pour contrer une Chine montante.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Biden Administration\u2019s National Security Strategy describes China as&nbsp;a strategic competitor&nbsp;but&nbsp;maintains that the Administration will refrain from seeing the world \u201csolely through the prism of strategic competition.\u201d It states that because the Western Hemisphere impacts the United States more than any other region, the Administration will further deepen partnerships in LAC to advance economic resilience, democratic stability, and citizen security. It also vows to help protect LAC from \u201cexternal interference or&nbsp;coercion,&nbsp;including from the PRC.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Le Commandement Sud des \u00c9tats-Unis (SOUTHCOM) a exprim\u00e9 ces derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es des inqui\u00e9tudes quant aux activit\u00e9s de la Chine en LAC. \u00ab<em>Nous perdons notre avantage de positionnement dans cet h\u00e9misph\u00e8re, et une action imm\u00e9diate est n\u00e9cessaire pour inverser cette tendance<\/em>,\u201d&nbsp;Adm. Craig S. Faller, former head of U.S. Southern Command,&nbsp;argued&nbsp;in 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"alignright size-full is-resized\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"492\" height=\"304\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-1.jpeg\" alt=\"Cover image for: Improbable Place of Confrontation on the World Map: Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23187\" style=\"width:406px;height:auto\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-1.jpeg 492w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-1-18x12.jpeg 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 492px) 100vw, 492px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><em>L\u2019amiral Faller a t\u00e9moign\u00e9 sur les<\/em><br><em> d\u00e9fis de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale des \u00c9tats-Unis<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Its 2023 posture statement asserted that the PRC&nbsp;has \u201cthe capability and intent to eschew&nbsp;international norms, advance its brand of authoritarianism, and amass power and influence at the expense of the existing and emerging democracies in our hemisphere.\u201d According to&nbsp;SOUTHCOM, the PRC is investing in critical infrastructure, including deep-water ports, cyber,&nbsp;and space facilities which \u201ccan have a potential dual use for malign commercial and military activities\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In contrast to such activities of China, the Build Back Better World (B3W) initiative was launched with the&nbsp;Group of Seven (G7). The initiative aimed to counter China\u2019s BRI by developing infrastructure in low- and middle-income countries, including Latin America. However, the Biden administration committed only $6 million to B3W in its first year, and it was later renamed the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. At the 2022 Summit of the Americas, Biden promised a range of new economic initiatives, but the allocated funds were not enough to compete with China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The&nbsp;paper\u2019s&nbsp;authors, including Mark P. Sullivan, Thomas Lum, Ricardo Barrios, and Karla I. Rios, note that the U.S. warnings about China have been met with some skepticism in LAC and among regional experts.&nbsp;They cite two prevailing views. The first argues that China\u2019s primary interests and influence in the region&nbsp;remain primarily economic and diplomatic. The probability of the PRC creating a military sphere of&nbsp;influence in LAC remains small. The other argues that China\u2019s appeal is limited due to profound political,&nbsp;social, and cultural differences and language barriers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nevertheless, their research reveals concerns about the potential harmful effects of China\u2019s economic engagement on LAC\u2019s development. It claims that Chinese companies do not adhere to international&nbsp;environmental, labor, and safety standards. It is also mentioned that China has exported surveillance technologies that could potentially be used to violate privacy or other rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Leur \u00e9tude sugg\u00e8re en outre que le soutien de la PRC apporte une bou\u00e9e de sauvetage \u00e0 des dirigeants au bilan m\u00e9diocre en mati\u00e8re de gouvernance et exacerbe la corruption. Dans certains pays de la LAC, des groupes de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile, des journalistes et des militants ont attir\u00e9 l\u2019attention sur la corruption, les mauvaises normes du travail et les dommages environnementaux li\u00e9s aux projets soutenus par la PRC, suscitant une opposition locale. Ils ont \u00e9galement attir\u00e9 l\u2019attention sur de pr\u00e9sum\u00e9es op\u00e9rations d\u2019influence politique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-the-characteristics-of-competition-in-the-region\"><strong>Les caract\u00e9ristiques de la concurrence dans la r\u00e9gion<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>China is South America\u2019s top trading partner and a significant source of foreign direct investment&nbsp;and lending in energy and infrastructure, including through its massive Belt and Road Initiative.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Elle a investi massivement dans le secteur spatial de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine et renforc\u00e9 ses liens militaires avec plusieurs pays, notamment le Venezuela.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Policymakers in Washington are pursuing new trade and investment avenues to bolster U.S.&nbsp;leadership in the region and push back against Beijing\u2019s influence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading translation-block\" id=\"h-ii-the-struggle-of-the-red-dragon-for-a-place-under-the-southern-sun\">II. <strong>The Struggle of the&nbsp;\u201cRed Dragon\u201d for a&nbsp;Place Under the Southern Sun<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">It is worth considering&nbsp;the Survey of Opinion Leaders: Assessments of China\u2019s Role in Latin America and the Caribbean to compare the influence of global actors in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">According to the opinion leaders surveyed, on average, the top priority Latin American and Caribbean countries should have with China is trade, followed by foreign direct investment and financial ties. Last in order of priority would be cooperation in international security, and there is also minimal support for engagement around multilateral cooperation and human rights. Notably, this order of priorities coincides with that expressed regarding relations with the United States. This would indicate that opinion leaders&nbsp;consider that the region\u2019s priorities in its bilateral relations with great powers do not change drasticallywhether we focus on relations with Washington or Beijing. The only statistically significant difference concerns international security: in the case of the United States, international security is, on average, higher than that assigned to relations with China (although it is still the last priority).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Regarding the perceived influence of China in Latin America and the Caribbean, almost 80% of survey respondents consider this influence high, while less than 5% consider it low. Only the United States is seen as having a higher influence than the Asian giant. Washington is said to have the most influence in the region, followed by Beijing, Madrid, and Moscow. However, opinion leaders vary in their assessment of whether the influence exerted in the area by Beijing is positive. Compared to other powers, opinion leaders&nbsp;consider China\u2019s influence to be, on average, the second most negative, behind only Russian influence in&nbsp;the region. German, Japanese, and Spanish influences are considered to have, on average, the most positive influence in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">China\u2019s influence appears not to be the result of the country\u2019s media diplomacy. Indeed, respondents consider the Asian giant\u2019s media influence in the region, measured by China Global Television Network\u2019s&nbsp;(CGTN) influence, to be very low. Fewer than 4% consider this influence high or very high, while 41% consider it low and 31% very low. Thus, nearly three-quarters of survey respondents believe the Chinese media to have a low or very low influence in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"602\" height=\"258\" src=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-29.png\" alt=\"Cover image for: Improbable Place of Confrontation on the World Map: Latin America and the Caribbean\" class=\"wp-image-23188\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-29.png 602w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-29-600x257.png 600w, https:\/\/tdcenter.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/image-29-18x8.png 18w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 602px) 100vw, 602px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The above data contrasts with the perception of the influence of US media diplomacy in the region, where more than 65% of the opinion leaders agree that&nbsp;CNN\u2019s&nbsp;influence is high or very high. Compared with four other extra-regional powers and Venezuela with Telesur, the opinion leaders perceive Chinese media diplomacy as generating the least influence in the region. Thus, CGTN is perceived as having less impact than CNN, BBC, Telesur, RT and FR24.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, it is important to mention Russia, China\u2019s ally. According to an October 2023 report by&nbsp;the United States Institute of Peace, Actualidad RT (Russia Today in Spanish) and Sputnik Mundo are the region&#8217;s key purveyors of Russian state media. Hernandez-Roy, who is deputy director and senior fellow at the CSIS Americas Program, said these two media organizations have about 32 million regular listeners in Latin America, which has 667 million inhabitants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nonetheless, the&nbsp;PRC\u2019s soft power&nbsp;is bolstered by substantial investment in people-to-people diplomacy, including not only 39 Confucius Institutes in the region but also Hanban-funded scholarships and lavish paid trips for leading LAC academics, politicians, journalists, and other key personnel whom the PRC seeks to influence in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, it is important to mention Russia, China\u2019s ally. According to an October 2023&nbsp;report by the United States Institute of Peace, Actualidad RT (Russia Today in Spanish) and Sputnik Mundo are the region&#8217;s key purveyors of Russian state media. Hernandez-Roy, who is deputy director and senior fellow at the CSIS Americas Program, said these two media organizations have about 32 million regular listeners in Latin America, which has 667 million inhabitants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-iii-what-economic-changes-does-russia-s-military-aggression-against-ukraine-cause-in-the-region\"><strong>III. What Economic Changes Does Russia\u2019s&nbsp;Military Aggression Against Ukraine Cause in the Region?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Les pays d\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine sont s\u00e9par\u00e9s de l\u2019Ukraine, pays europ\u00e9en qui a subi au XXIe si\u00e8cle une agression militaire sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent de la part de la Russie, par des milliers de kilom\u00e8tres. Cette situation g\u00e9ographique contribue \u00e0 les \u00e9loigner du th\u00e9\u00e2tre d\u2019op\u00e9rations qui s\u2019est d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 en Europe de l\u2019Est. Toutefois, cette guerre a un impact indirect sur l\u2019\u00e9conomie latino-am\u00e9ricaine, m\u00eame si l\u2019Ukraine et la Russie ne sont pas les principaux partenaires commerciaux de la plupart des pays de la r\u00e9gion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The war in Ukraine&nbsp;significantly expands disruptions to primary production sectors (oil, gas, aluminum, and grains) and industrial sectors that produce inputs widely used in agriculture, such as fertilizers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Les principaux effets commerciaux du conflit dans la r\u00e9gion sont la hausse des prix de l\u2019\u00e9nergie (p\u00e9trole et gaz), des produits miniers (charbon, cuivre et nickel), des denr\u00e9es alimentaires (bl\u00e9, ma\u00efs et huiles) et des engrais, en raison de la position importante de la F\u00e9d\u00e9ration de Russie et de l\u2019Ukraine dans la production et le commerce mondial de ces produits.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La guerre actuelle a donc accentu\u00e9 la tendance \u00e0 une plus grande r\u00e9gionalisation du commerce et de la production observ\u00e9e depuis quelques ann\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9chelle mondiale. La r\u00e9gion ne peut \u00e9chapper \u00e0 cette tendance, selon laquelle les pays recherchent une plus grande autonomie strat\u00e9gique dans l\u2019approvisionnement en produits et intrants critiques. La situation offre donc une nouvelle occasion de revitaliser le projet d\u2019int\u00e9gration r\u00e9gionale, en pla\u00e7ant au centre la cr\u00e9ation de cha\u00eenes de production intrar\u00e9gionales qui r\u00e9duisent la d\u00e9pendance excessive \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de fournisseurs situ\u00e9s hors de la r\u00e9gion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading translation-block\" id=\"h-conclusion\"><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">En Am\u00e9rique latine et dans les Cara\u00efbes, la concurrence entre les \u00c9tats-Unis et la Chine n\u2019est pas aussi forte que dans la situation actuelle de l\u2019Indo-Pacifique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Today, Chinese diplomacy focuses on advancing Beijing\u2019s interests, particularly the \u201cone China\u201d&nbsp;policy, using regional organizations to establish dialogue to form the image of a reliable partner. The injection of funds into the economies of the countries is the basis of the cooperation, which guaranteed the entry of Communist China among the three largest trading partners in the region. Still, such measures contribute to an increase in dependence and the lack of significant scientific, technological and innovative development, which in turn leads to the reprimarization and deindustrialization of the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In addition, the situation is aggravated by Russia\u2019s armed aggression, which has increased political and&nbsp;socio-economic risks. The question of strengthening regional cooperation to minimize the possible consequences of the emergence of \u201cblack swans\u201d on a global scale in the future was raised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Les \u00c9tats-Unis ne se retireront pas de cette r\u00e9gion, traditionnellement consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme leur zone d\u2019influence et o\u00f9 se situe un important point d\u2019\u00e9tranglement en mati\u00e8re d\u2019infrastructures. Les responsables du gouvernement am\u00e9ricain per\u00e7oivent la menace chinoise croissante. Ils lancent des initiatives pour pr\u00e9server leur position et la vision ancr\u00e9e, chez les habitants de la LAC, d\u2019un pays d\u00e9mocratique prosp\u00e8re dot\u00e9 d\u2019une \u00e9conomie d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Par cons\u00e9quent, le discours politique dans cette r\u00e9gion est influenc\u00e9 par de grands acteurs tels que les \u00c9tats-Unis ou la Chine, qui rivalisent pour accro\u00eetre ou prot\u00e9ger leur influence ; les autorit\u00e9s ukrainiennes devraient donc tenir compte de ces circonstances lors de l\u2019\u00e9laboration et de la mise en \u0153uvre de mesures dans cette r\u00e9gion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph translation-block\"><em>Avertissement : les points de vue, pens\u00e9es et opinions exprim\u00e9s dans les documents publi\u00e9s sur ce site appartiennent exclusivement \u00e0 leurs auteurs et ne refl\u00e8tent pas n\u00e9cessairement ceux du Transatlantic Dialogue Center, de ses comit\u00e9s ou de ses organisations affili\u00e9es. Ces documents ont pour but de stimuler le dialogue et la discussion et ne repr\u00e9sentent pas les positions politiques officielles du Transatlantic Dialogue Center ni d\u2019aucune autre organisation \u00e0 laquelle les auteurs peuvent \u00eatre associ\u00e9s.<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Key Takeaways The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have always been mouth-watering morsels that the great world powers have fought for throughout history. Suffice it to recall the Big Stick Policy, Theodore&nbsp;Roosevelt\u2019s extended interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. Latin American foreign policy vector of the main regional actors, the United States and the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":11,"featured_media":23189,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"[]"},"categories":[13,57],"tags":[],"topic":[85,90,113,95],"class_list":["post-23180","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-en-analyses","category-eng-latin-america-caribbean","topic-china","topic-economy","topic-latin-america","topic-usa"],"mb":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.6 (Yoast SEO v25.6) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Great-Power Competition in Latin America | TDC<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The U.S. counteracts China\u2019s growing influence in Latin America with strategic partnerships, while Russia\u2019s presence complicates regional development 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